CAPTAIN EDWARD-MARIA WINGFIELD
PRESIDENT AT JAMESTOWN, VIRGINIA - IN 1607
As he might have looked aged 57 in 1607
A composite face made up from his grandfather, uncle and 2 cousins
(Plate 1: Portrait by Alan Barlow – c.v. /resume above the end Source Notes)
ONE OF THE EIGHT
INCORPORATORS
OF THE VIRGINIA CHARTER OF 1606
THE EXPEDITION LEADERS CAPTS WINGFIELD & GOSNOLD
RECRUITED 40% OF THE SETTLERS AND
WERE FOUNDERS OF “THE CRADLE OF THE NATION”
This
is an imaginary monologue (with both audio and visual text)– with
more than two-thirds in Wingfield’s original words
- “voiced” in England in 1620 by Captain Edward-Maria
Wingfield at Fotheringhay College House, his stepfather's home, when the old
President was aged 70. Every fact can be proved from primary sources
– including many “new” or ignored sources unearthed over 50 years and
used in 1993 by me, Major Jocelyn R. Wingfield of Norfolk, England, his
biographer. In a very few instances – where a fact is merely extremely
probable but cannot be proven, the expressions “as I recall” or “I
believe” have been used. (Added – perhaps unrealistically – are the
first names of the settlers – so that we may honor them all in this great
team effort of founding “the soul of the nation”: the first
English-speaking colony in what is today’s USA). It was the old veteran
soldier Captain Edward-Maria Wingfield, who in 1606 when aged 56, financially
rescued his and Bartholomew Gosnold's planned expedition, and who aged 57 was
President at Jamestown in Virginia in the first four vital months there from
May 12th to September 10th, 1607, when he built the
great fort in a month and a day, started planting and initiated bartering with
the native Americans.
Here
in his old age, aged 70 in 1620 – he was still living in the year of
the “Mayflower” - the old President reminisces. (Passages in bold print
are in his own words, taken from his “A Discourse of
Virginia”, written immediately on his return, probably at Stonely
Priory. Altering the font size may lose this!
In this monologue where he has written “the President” or “he”,
I have sometimes changed it to the first person; and I have modernized the
spelling and punctuation and sometimes the word order, adding synonyms of
ancient words &c in round brackets and adding omitted words – or the odd
additional word to help modernize an expression - in square brackets).
Compiled and edited by Jocelyn R. Wingfield, President
Wingfield’s biographer
Copyright The Wingfield Family Society (inc. in VA) & Jocelyn R. Wingfield, 2001
EXCEPT FOR THE STONELY DEED, MS22A/4 , ANY PART OF
THIS MONOLOGUE
PRESIDENT WINGFIELD SPEAKS (1620)
Part 1 – BEFORE JAMESTOWN
I
was born in 15501
and was brung up at Stonely Priory (near Huntingdon, some 100 miles north of
London), until I was seven, when my father, Thomas-Maria Wingfield, died.
Plate 2A: The only remaining (and partly rebuilt) building on
the site of President Wingfield’s moated house.
Plate 2B: Plaque commemorating President Edward-Maria
Wingfield on Stonely Priory House (not open to the public)
The
added name of "Maria" came from my father having had Queen Mary of
France (sister of England's King Henry the Eighth) as his godmother. My father
had held at least 5,600 acres - most of it in trust for my cousin, Thomas
Wingfield of Kimbolton Castle.
When my father died my siblings were: Thomas-Maria, Jr. (6), Gamaliel
(4), Richard (about 2) and six sisters. Not too long afterwards my mother,
Margaret, daughter of Edward Kay(e) of Woodsom, Yorkshire, remarried. So by
the time I was 12 my new stepfather James Crews a.k.a. Cruwys2
of Fotheringhay College House had become my guardian.
Our new home – the former College of St. Mary and All Saints for three
dozen chantry priests and choristers, from 1412 established to pray for the
souls of Richard II, Henry IV and Henry V - lay 17 miles north of Stonely and
in the next village to Apethorpe Hall, home of Anthony Mildmay, son of my
Kimbolton cousin’s late guardian Sir Walter Mildmay. My maternal
grandfather, Rowland Sloper, was a London merchant, but my "patron"
was my Uncle Jaques Wingfield, who was Master of the Ordnance in Ireland, and
who held a manor called Wickham Skeith3
in Suffolk. This was the next manor to Wetheringsett - where in the early part
of this century, the Reverend Richard Hakluyt, the great would-be colonizer of
Virginia, was to be the priest.
I spent some years in my uncle's “colony” in Munster in southern
Ireland and then went to Furnivall's Inn for a couple of years, prior to being
accepted, aged 26 – which was not unusual - at the school for barristers
(attorneys) at Lincoln's Inn4
by London’s western city wall.
Plate 3 : Entry
in Admissions Register at Lincoln’s Inn in April 1576 –
“Edward-Maria
Wingfield of Huntingdonshire,
Barrister of Furnivall’s Inn.”
(Courtesy of Lincoln’s Inn)
I did not complete the
course, as after about three years there I volunteered to fight for the free
Dutch in the Low Countries against their Spanish oppressors. My brother
Thomas-Maria and I were each given a company of English foot to command.5
After a few years I returned to Ireland and in 1586 petitioned the Crown for
some land in the west, but was not awarded any.
At Easter 1586, Thomas Norris, President of Munster, captured a
would-be assassin of our gracious Queen, Elizabeth. And my cousin Sir George
Carew and I had the task of escorting this infamous creature, Anthony De La
Motte, this French-paid professional assassin, who was using the cover name of
Baron Anthony de la Fage, to court for interrogation by the Queen's spymaster,
Sir Francis Walsingham, and Her Grace herself.6
To show her contempt for him, Her Grace was moved to release him - whereupon
he made straight for his second target, which was the commander-in-chief of
the allied forces in the Low Countries, the Earl of Leicester.
Sir George Carew forthwith, therefore, dispatched me to advise my uncle
Philip Harvey at the Earl's headquarters about the assassin roaming free on
the continent, but unfortunately De La Motte arrived there before me –
luckily to be apprehended. On my arrival I merely confirmed his identity.
In September 1586, together with my brother, Thomas-Maria, and cousins
John Wingfield of Eresby (Lincolnshire), I fought the Spanish at the Battle of
Zutphen (which battle the Dutch call Warnsfeld), on that foggy morning when
John was knighted for his bravery.7
The wife of my brother Captain Thomas-Maria Wingfield, Etranildo - or was it
Arlinda? (both his wives were Dutch) - lived not far from Zutphen.8
I believe that it was after I fought at the Battle of Zutphen that
there was hard fighting at Sluys in 1587, in spring or summer 1588, the year
of the great Spanish Armada, Geertruidenberg and Bergen-op-Zoom received
maximum Spanish attention; and near Bergen, I believe it was, together with my comrades,
Ferdinando Gorges (so keen on Virginian enterprises) and Conyers Clifford, I
was captured by the Spanish.9
We were taken south some sixty miles to Lille and held to ransom – which
demand arrived in England in September. In trying to raise my ransom, my
brother captured two Spanish grandees: Don Inigo de Guevara, the future
marquess and Don Luis de Godoya – literally worth a fortune10
– but the English commander removed my brother’s prisoners from him
(although he did receive £957 a year later).
However Sir Ferdinando, Clifford and I were included in an exchange of
prisoners early in the following year (1589).
By sometime in that year my brother and I had seen some four years’
service, campaigning in the polders and dykes and moated, walled towns of the
Low Countries. Indeed, I am proud to say that the Army Roll for that year was
annotated – I presume by the great Lord Burghley – opposite
the names of Sir William Drury, my brother and myself (only): “Captains
of Success”.11
From about 1595 I was stationed in Ireland with my band of 60
foot-soldiers in garrison at Drogheda,12
the beautiful moated, walled town, 30 miles north of Dublin. I remember its
great twin-battlemented St. Laurence’s Gate well.
Our Muster Master was my old friend and neighbour from near Stonely,
Sir Ralph Lane,13
who had been in the Roanoke Colony a decade earlier. Here I learned the art of
skirmishing and how to deal with ambuscades from fighters hiding in bogs and
deep woods. I remember two of my contemporaries were lost in ambuscades.
It
was about this time that my old friend Sir Conyers Clifford and three of my
Wingfield cousins sailed off on the famous Cadiz Raid. Indeed in Sir Richard
Wingfield’s Regiment there was a young, difficult man called John Smith,14
who had begged a commission from him, and whom I was to meet later. He was a
neighbour of my cousin, Sir John Wingfield of Withcoll & Eresby in
Lincolnshire. And as son of a well-to-do farmer, John Smith had been raised
with the children of the grand Willoughby family. Smith was to inherit
property in Louth in Lincolnshire15
and at the turn of the century to be given equestrian lessons at Tattershall
Castle by the Riding Master of his friend, the rather strange Earl of Clinton.
In 1599 I returned to Stonely in England and in 1600 I was made one of
the feoffees or governors of Kimbolton School, a task I performed for about a
dozen years.16
And here at Kimbolton I got to know Sir John Popham, who was most interested
in settling Virginia. As Lord Chief Justice he had banished my cousin, the
big-spending Sir Edward, “Ned”
Wingfield of Kimbolton Castle - so keen on military expeditions and on
jousting - to Ireland for his part in the Essex rebellion, and then proceeded
to use Ned Wingfield’s home as his own. Meanwhile my next brother stayed on
in Ireland, where he was made a colonel and knighted, and actually commanded
the army in a tactical withdrawal from Yellow Ford.17
I sometimes visited the Wingfield ancestral home at Letheringham Old
Hall in Suffolk. This lay 4 miles from the ancestral home of the Gosnold's. And
thus I got to know Bartholomew Gosnold, my cousin by marriage – who in 1602
had sailed to discover Cape Cod and Martha’s Vineyard. He was passionate
about sailing to Virginia again and so many long hours – as I recall - we
spent at his uncle’s house, Otley Hall, discussing this: routes, settler
recruitment, leadership, financial backing and budgets, and not least,
legality and stores. Sometimes present in the house was Bartholomew Gosnold’s
younger brother, Captain Wingfield Gosnold18
– who was named for their step-grandmother, Catherine Wingfield nee
Blennerhasset. And Bartholomew’s Aunt Ursula, wife of the
distinguished-looking Justice Robert Gosnold the Younger of Otley Hall, was
great-granddaughter of my cousin Elizabeth Wingfield. So we kept it all in the
Wingfield-Gosnold family, as it were.
What I brought to these discussions - that was of great use - was what
I had learned from my friends and comrades-in-arms about such ventures: from first,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who had served with me in the Low Countries and had
been held captive with me by those hated Spaniards in Lille in 1588; secondly,
from Sir Ralph Lane, my old neighbour from near Stonely and my administrative
chief as Muster Master in the 1590s in Ireland – whom, as I recall, I often
met together with my cousin and his fellow general officer, Sir Richard
Wingfield19
– as he then was – the Marshal of the Army there. Sir Ralph, of course,
had been Governor at Roanoke in 1585; and thirdly from the Lord
Chief Justice, Sir John Popham (and his old brother George, who had sailed to
Guiana with Sir Walter Raleigh in 1595, and who was to command at Sagadahoc
when ten years older than me – that is aged about 67).20
I knew Sir John as a neighbour, since from 1600 he used to stay at Kimbolton
Castle. He was often there,
especially when masterminding his fen drainage operations. My old friend, Sir
Ferdinando, now Governor of Plymouth, had been given – by Captain George
Weymouth - three of the five native Americans (“Abenakis”) he had captured
and Sir John Popham received the other two of these fascinating and
sturdy-looking red men.21
I knew too the cleric and chief promoter of Virginia colonization, Richard
Hakluyt the Younger, the great geographer
- since he had been awarded the living of Wetheringsett-cum-Brockford
with its lovely, great church – which lay just down the road from my family’s
second ancestral home, Crowfield Hall, which belonged to my cousin, Harbottle
Wingfield.
When our great Queen breathed her last in 1603, our new sovereign, King
James VI of Scotland, arranged a peace with Spain and incarcerated Sir Walter Raleigh
– which meant that Sir Walter’s Virginia patent became null and
void. So, with great charge and industry the great geographer Mr. Hakluyt and
we military men and merchants managed to
petition His Majesty to approve the Virginia Charter of April 10th, 1605.
(Edward-Maria Wingfield’s name underlined)
Bartholomew and I recruit 40% of the settlers
So cousin Bartholomew and I set to recruiting settlers for our
expedition. In London I had always stayed opposite St. Sepulchre’s, at the
house of my cousin, Sir James Wingfield of Kimbolton, at St. Andrew's,
Holborn, where the parish rector had been Richard Bancroft, now the Archbishop
of Canterbury. For my first
work (which was to make a right choice of a spiritual pastor) … my Lord of
Canterbury - His Grace…gave me
very gracious audience in my request. And the world knoweth whom I took with
me,23
truly, in my opinion, a man not in any way to be touched by the rebellious
natures of a popish spirit, nor blemished with the least suspicion of a
factious schismatic, whereof I had a special care: Robert Hunt. He was, I
believe, a cousin of William Hunt, who was to marry Rebecca Wingfield, one of
the seven daughters of my cousin and neighbour, Sir James Wingfield of
Kimbolton.24
Next Bartholomew recruited his cousin and his nephew - both called Anthony and his old shipmates from the 1602 expedition: Mr. Gabriel Archer of nearby Manningtree (Essex) and Mr. John Martin (with his kin, John & George). We then persuaded some of those on and near the Wingfield and Gosnold estates of Letheringham and Otley to join us, including Mr. John Ratcliffe alias Sicklemore of Tuddenham (Suffolk), Mr. Thomas Jacob, and Mr. William Brewster and George Golding from Framlingham and nearby Cransford (Suffolk), and old Mr. Eustace Clovill from West Hanningfield (Essex) – who was I believe something to do with the Clovills of Westleton25 near Letheringham. I was also successful in persuading my cousin by marriage, Mr. Stephen Calthorpe,26 together with Mr. Thomas Studley, both of Norwich (Norfolk), to join me in Virginia; and Mr. Robert Beheathland, friend and kin of the Wingfields of Crowfield and of the Dades and Cornwallises of Tannington and Shotley (both in Suffolk).27
Then there were the settlers that I found near my home, Stonely Priory
(Hunts): Mr. Jeremy Alicock from Sibbertoft,28
John Ashby, Mr. John Stevenson from Great Stukeley and I think Mr. Kenelm
Throgmorton from Ellington,29
as well as tailor William Love and Mr. Edward Morris of Bluntisham (Hunts),
Mr. Robert Fenton and bricklayer John Herd from Stamford (Lincs) – I think
from a manor of my cousin, Sir John Wingfield of nearby
Tickencote Hall. And then I found my cousin, Mr. Edward Harington from Exton
(also near Tickencote) – the maternal grandfather of my neighbour and
cousin, Sir James Wingfield of Kimbolton Castle, had been Sir James Harington
of Exton.30
In all, cousin Bartholomew and I found about 40 of the first settlers.31
Mr. Gabriel Bedell (related to Mr. Kenelm Throgmorton, as I recall) from near
Stonely and Mr. Matthew Scrivener, 26, son of wool magnate Ralph Scrivener32
the Older of Ipswich & of Belstead Manor (Suffolk) – were unable to come
with me there and then, but agreed to join the First Supply. Young Matthew
was “a good old boy” – who was to be a good restraining hand on the
excesses of Presidents John Sicklemore and then John Smith in our new colony -
before he tragically drowned (just as his brother Nicholas had, at Eton). And
Matthew’s sister Elizabeth was to marry my cousin Harbottle Wingfield of
Crowfield near Letheringham.
We wanted to leave in the autumn. I sorted many books in my house to
be sent up to me at my going to Virginia, amongst them a Bible. They were sent
up in a trunk to London, with diverse fruit, conserves and preserve…which I
did set in Mr. Croft’s house
– Richard Croft the settler’s - in Ratcliffe near Blackwall Dock.
In my being in Virginia, I did understand my trunk was broken up, much lost,
my sweetmeats eaten at his table, some of my books which I missed, to be seen
in his hands, and whether amongst them my Bible was so embezzled or mislaid by
my servants, and not sent me, I know not…33
However, when we were ready to sail, we had still not raised enough
ready money in our “Fund for the Support of the Colony in Virginia” to pay
the bills for victuals and equipment. In the London Company I was the only
adventurer (risking my money) and venturer (risking my person) to sail.34
More money was needed at once. So, as our final possible sailing date for 1606
approached, I rode the 100 miles back to Stonely and mortgaged my mansion
house at Stonely, and my entire estate35
in Kimbolton, Great Stoughton, Overstowe, Netherstowe, and Pertenhall: to, of
the first part - Lord Chief
Justice Sir John Popham, Sir Anthony Mildmay of Apethorpe, Northants (my
neighbour from my second home of Fotheringhay), Sir Richard Wingfield, the
Knight Marshal of Ireland, Sir Robert Wingfield III of Upton (near Stamford,
Lincs), Sir Thomas Wingfield of Letheringham (Suffolk), my neighbor Robert
Throckmorton of Ellington; and of
the second part - John Pickering, married to Lucy Kaye, kin of my mother
Margaret, and son of Gilbert Pickering, of Titchmarsh (both next to
Stonely Priory); of the third part - Sir John Hatchcross of Lincolnshire; and Gilbert Pickering of Titchmarsh (next to Stonely); and of the
fourth part: Gamaliel Crews of Swaffham (Norfolk), my stepfather’s eldest
son; and of the fifth part - Sir John Popham, Sir Anthony Mildmay, Sir Richard
Wingfield, Sir Francis Popham (son & heir of Sir John), Sir Robert
Wingfield, Sir Thomas Wingfield, Robert Throgmorton, and John Pickering. And
they would receive all my rents etc in the event of
my demise in Virginia or at sea.
Plate
5: The Stonely Deed MS22A/4
Arranging
this indenture, “The Stonely Deed”, took me much time and the document –
witnessed by my brother Richard, was not signed until 17th December 1606. Thus
and thus only, largely through the backing of Wingfield family money, two days
later, were we able to sail – it'd be very late for planting – on 19th December
from Blackwall Dock on the Thames. I sailed as I recall in the “Susan
Constant” under the command of Captain Christopher Newport of the One Hand”,
who was Admiral of our fleet of three little ships for the crossing.
Plate
6A: VIRGINIA SETTLERS’ MEMORIAL BLACKWALL DOCK, LONDON, ENGLAND
My old friend and former fellow-prisoner, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, had
taken charge of the Plymouth
Company expedition
as regards exploration and the furnishing of natives from Virginia as
interpreters for them; and as early as August 1606 dispatched Captain Henry
Challoner to explore – but those perfidious Spaniards – no longer at war
with us – took him and his crew prisoner. So, Sir John Popham sent off
Martin Pring to explore. Meanwhile my London Company was to settle first on
that far shore.
Part 2 – At Jamestown and after
Having approached Virginia’s coast, on April 27th 1607 we assembled
the shallop (sloop) and made the first landing and praised the Lord, naming
that place Point Henry for the young heir to our gracious Lord, King James.
That first day, I patrolled with Captain Christopher Newport, young Mr. George
Percy (27), Mr. Gabriel Archer and two dozen men, and, returning around
midnight we were assaulted by five “naturals” – people of the indigenous
population. When we opened the “sealed box” we found the council commanded
by the King were to be seven of us: myself, Gosnold, Newport, Ratcliffe
(actually called Sicklemore), Smith, Kendall and Martin, but we other six
decided to exclude Smith since he was temporarily under restraint – not in
chains, but – as I recall - he had a guard and could not bear arms of
course. We were to choose a President from amongst ourselves – which I
believe we left until we had a settling place. Obviously how we behaved
towards each other in the following couple of weeks would affect the first
English election on the English soil of Virginia. I felt I could count on my
young cousin Gosnold’s voice (vote) and perhaps Newport’s.
By May 12th we were some 80 miles up “King James His River” – as
we named it, when Mr. Gabriel Archer, supported by Captain Bartholomew Gosnold,
strongly proposed a place he called “Archer’s Hope” for our city, but I
vetoed it, as not a good enough defensive position. I then found two miles
upstream a good and fertile island, a truly perfect defensive position (even
from the far side from the river) for our first seating place, where I could
have the three ships moored right alongside the bank-side fort (I had been
warned by my old friend and neighbour, Sir Ralph Lane, the late Governor of
Roanoke, of the problems that he encountered by having his ships moored a mile
away from their settlement). Of my selection of this low-lying island
(low-lying as had been Archer’s Hope), I heard that John Smith in the
following year was to describe it as “a very fit place for the erecting of a
great city”. The majority of the company, including George Percy approved of
my choice. As it was late, we moored there overnight.
Wingfield elected 1st President
It was now I think that we held our election and the council voted me
the first President. I found, as expected (since I was the oldest, I had been
named in the Charter and I had planned the expedition with my young cousin,
Bartholomew Gosnold – steered by the great Mr. Hakluyt), that I was to be
the first President - equipped
with far-reaching powers. Although I could pass ordinances (valid only until
approved or altered by the Crown), coin money, and, with the council, try
civil cases and lesser criminal charges, and pass sentence or issue pardons
– even for manslaughter – I had no jurisdiction over Captain Christopher
Newport’s mariners (who were to stay too long, loading sassafras and while
we searched for gold - eating the colony’s rations). But we had our
instructions from London, and we could not build and explore without the
mariners’ help. And, I discovered, I could be ousted from the Presidency by
a majority vote of the council.
Plate 6B: Governors & Presidents Monument at New Jamestown
Wingfield Names Jamestown
At dawn on Wednesday May 13th we unloaded our stores with
dispatch. Then I made a Presidential oration, praising God, the King and the
Prince of Wales and naming our settlement James Fort or James Town and
explained why Mr. Smith was not yet on the council. Some “common kettle”
food was buried in the ground for security and to keep it from going bad. Some of
the Gentlemen still had a bit of tough meat or wine or salad dressing in their
chests, which they had been unable to access on the voyage. That they now
surely devoured at once or very soon after landing.
Wingfield plants crops
I divided the 104 colonists and 56 mariners into work details – using
most of them on watch and ward duty, patrolling and administration. I also had
a party sowing corn on two hillsides (which was in time to spring a man’s
height from the ground” – reported on, I heard later, by Mr. George Percy
and by “Mr. Francis Perkins of Villa Jamestown”.) and I sent out a patrol
of 20 under Captain Christopher Newport – which left but around 30 for the
felling of 500-600 trees for the construction of the great triangular fort of
140 yards on the river side and 100 yards for each of the other two sides,
with three artillery blisters each of twenty yards circumference – the same
as old George Popham was going to build for the northern colony. I supervised
Captain George Kendall in this work. In the normal military manner, naturally before the palisade
was in position, we had to make do with makeshift piles of trunks and
brushwood for temporary defense works in case of alarms. My guards had
reported one or two single naturals – local men – practicing upon
opportunity.
Wingfield wins Battle of Jamestown
On the Wednesday after Whitsunday, despite our guard and mastiffs, some
400 naturals36
crept up – as only they can do with such animal-like skill – and gave a
very furious assault upon our half-finished fort. We just had time to stand to
arms and for me to dispatch my cousin Captain Barthlomew Gosnold to the ships
secured to the bank to man the sakers (artillery pieces), before I led the defense
from the front with Mr. John Sicklemore, Mr. George Kendall and Mr.
John Martin. The assault endured hot about an hour, but, although outnumbered
two or perhaps three to one (since besides Newport, some men were out
planting and patrolling), and
despite losing a boy and a dozen of us being wounded including we four
councillors, we drove them off in a little over an hour - carrying away their
twenty or so dead. I had one arrow shot clean through my beard, yet ‘scaped
hurt from it. Gosnold’s shipboard artillery caused them finally to depart.
Two days later poor old Mr. Eustace Clovill was pierced by six arrows, yet
managed to run into the half-finished fort to raise the alarum.
It was in the following week, the week that Opechancanough and three other chiefs offered me an Alliance against the Paspaheghs, that I decided to admit John Smith to the Council. I then prepared a Report37 for Christopher Newport to take back to the Council in London. This read:
“Within less than seven weeks we are fortified well against the
Indians. We have sown good store of wheat – we have sent you a case
of clapboard – we have built some houses – we have spared some to a
discovery, and still as God shall enable us with a strength, we will better
and better our proceedings.
Our easiest and richest commodity being sassafrass, roots were gathered
up by the sailors with loss of our tools withdrawing our men from our
labour. We wish they may be dealt with so that all the loss neither
fall on us or them. [As
I recall I refused Captain Newport’s demand that these two sentences be
omitted. Unfortunately I had no jurisdiction over the sailors!] I
believe [I wrote “I” to make clear to London that I as President wrote the
report, even though the council all signed it!]
they have thereof two tons at least, which if they scatter abroad at
their pleasure will pull down our price for a long time, [so] we leave this to
your wisdoms. The land would flow with milk and honey if seconded by your
careful wisdom and bountiful hands. We do not persuade you to shoot one arrow
to seek another, but to find them both. And we doubt not but to send them home
with golden heads…
We are set down 80 miles within a river for breadth, sweetness of
water, length navigable up into the country, deep and bold channel so
stored with sturgeon and other sweet fish, as no man’s fortune hath ever
possessed the like… The soil is most fruitful, laden with good oak, ash,
walnut tree, poplar, pine, sweet woods, cedar, and others
yet without names that yield gums pleasant as frankincense, and
experienced amongst us for great value in healing green wounds and aches. We
entreat your succours with all expedition, lest that all-devouring Spaniard
lay his ravenous hands upon these gold showing mountains…
Which
if we were so enabled, he shall never dare to think on. This note doth make
known where our necessities do most strike us, we beseech your present relief
accordingly, otherwise to our greatest and lasting griefs, we shall against
our will, not will that which we most willingly would.
Captain Newport hath seen all and knoweth all; he can fully satisfy
your further expectations and ease you of our tedious letters. We must humbly
pray the heavenly King’s hand to bless our labours with such counsels and
helps as we may further and stronger proceed in this our King’s and country’s
service.
Jamestown
in Virginia, this 22nd day of June 1607.
Your poor friends,
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Bartholomew Gosnold …”
and I then passed the report to sign next, to our new councillor, Mr. John Smith.
June the 25th an Indian came to us from the great Powhatan with the
word of peace – that he desired greatly our friendship, that the werowances
– or chiefs – Paspahegh and Tapahanah, should be our friends, that we
should sow and reap in peace, or else he would make wars upon them with us. This
message fell out true, for both those werowances have ever since
remained in peace with us. We rewarded the messenger with many trifles, which
were great wonders to him.
The Powhatan dwelleth 10 miles from us upon the River Pamunkey, which
lieth north from us. The Powhatan in the formal journal mentioned – Newport’s
journal of his discoveries – (a dweller by Newport’s faults) is a
werowance and under this great Powhatan – which before we knew not.
The 3rd of July seven or eight Indians presented me, as the President,
a deer from the Pamunkey king, Opechancanough, a werowance desiring our
friendship. They were well contented with trifles (trinkets,
as
presents). A little after this came a deer to me as the President from the
great Powhatan. He and his messengers were pleased with the like trifles. I
instituted bartering with the natives – indeed as the President at
diverse times I likewise bought deer of the Indians, [and] beavers and other
flesh – which we always caused to be equally divided among the colony.
About this time diverse of our men fell sick. We missed about forty
before September did see us, amongst whom - on
14th August died my neighbour Ensign Jerome Alicock from a wound,
and then my cousins by marriage: Stephen
Calthorpe the following day and on 22nd August - the worthy and religious gentleman, Captain Bartholomew
Gosnold - upon whose life stood a
great part of the good success and fortune of our government and colony. Two
and four days later died my cousin Edward Harington from Exton and then, I
believe, my neighbour, Kellam Thogmorton from Ellington.
In
my sickness time, I did easily foretell my deposing from my
command. So much differed between me .. and the other -
young -Councillors in managing the government of the colony.
The 7th of July Tapahanah, a werowance, [a] dweller on the Salisbury
side (the south side of the James) hailed us with a word of peace. I as
President with a shallop well manned went to meet him. I found him sitting on
the ground, cross-legged as is their custom, with one attending him which did
often say: “This is the werowance Tapahanah” – which he did likewise
confirm with stroking his breast. He was well enough known, for I had seen him
diverse times before. His countenance was nothing cheerful – for we had not
seen him since he was in the field against us, but I would take no knowledge
thereof and used him kindly, giving him a red waistcoat, which he did desire.
Tapahanah did enquire after our shipping. He received answer as before.
He said his old store of corn was spent, that his new one was not at full
growth by a foot; that as soon as any was ripe he would bring it – which
promise he truly performed.
The – I forget the date – Mr. Kendall was put
out from being of the Council, and committed to prison, for that it did
manifestly appear he did practise to sow discord between me as President and
the Council.
Sickness had now left us 6 able men in our town. God’s only mercy did
now watch and ward for us, but as President I hid this our weakness carefully
from the savages, never suffering them in all my time to come into our town.
The 6th of September Paspahegh sent us a boy that was run from us. This
was the first assurance of peace with us. Besides we found them no cannibals.
The boy [had] observed the native men and women to spend the most part
of the night in singing or howling, and that every morning the women carried
all the little children to the river’s sides – but what they did there he
did not know.
The rest of the werowances do likewise send our runaways to us home
again, using them well during their being with them. So – as now – their
being well rewarded at home at their return, they take little joy to travel
abroad without passports.
The council demanded some larger allowance for themselves and for some
sick, their favourites – which I would not yield unto without their
warrants. This matter was before compounded by Captain Martin, but so nakedly
as they neither knew the quantity of the store to be but for 3 weeks and a
half, under the Cape Merchant’s hand (chief storekeeper’s signature). As
President I prayed them further to consider the long time before we expected
Captain Newport’s return, the uncertainty of his return, if God did not
favour his voyage; the long time before our harvest be ripe and the doubtful
(precarious) peace we had with the Indians – which they would keep no longer
than opportunity served to do us mischief.
It was then therefore ordered that every meal of fish or flesh should
excuse (omit) the allowance for porridge – both against (for) the sick and
the whole (the well). The council therefore sitting again upon this
proposition, instructed in the former reasons and order, did not think fit to
break the former order by enlarging their allowance, as will appear by the
most voices under their hands (votes). Now was the common store of oil,
vinegar, sack (sherry), and aquavit all spent, saving two gallons each – the
sack for the communion table, the rest for extremities (emergencies) as might
befall us – which I had made known only to Captain Bartholomew Gosnold –
of which course he liked well. The vessels were therefore bunged up. When Mr.
Gosnold was dead, I did acquaint the rest of the council with (about) the said
remnant – but, Lord, how they longed for to sup up that little remnant! - for they had now emptied all their own bottles, and all
other that they could smell out.
A little while after this the council did again fall upon me for some
better (food) allowance for themselves and some few sick, their privates
(servants). I protested I would not be partial, but if one had [persuaded]
anything of me, every man should have his own portion according to his place.
Nevertheless, that upon their warrants (authorisation and support), I
would deliver what pleased them to demand. If as President I had at that time
enlarged the portion according to their request, without doubt in very short
time I had (would have) starved the whole colony. I would not join with them
therefore in such ignorant murder without their own warrant (unanimous
support).
Well seeing to what end their impatience would grow, I desired them
earnestly and often (several) times to bestow the Presidency among themselves
(elect one of themselves as President), [saying] that I would [resign and]
obey a private man as well as he could command. But they refused to discharge
me of the place (office), saying they must not do it, for that (because) I did
His Majesty good service in it. In this meantime the Indians did daily relieve
us with corn and flesh (meat) – that in three weeks I had reared up 20 men
able to work. For, as this store increased, I mended (replenished) the common
pot (the colony’s food supply) I had laid up, besides beforehand (including
earlier) provision for 3 weeks’ wheat.
By this time the council had fully plotted to depose me as President
and had drawn [up] certain articles in writing among themselves, and took
their oaths upon the evangelists to observe them. The effect whereof was,
first, to depose me as the then President [and] to make Mr. John
Ratcliffe aka Sicklemore the next President; not to depose the one the
other (one another); not to take me into [the] council again; not to take Mr.
Gabriel Archer into the council, or any other, without the consent of every
one of them. To this they had subscribed – as out of their own mouths at
several times it was easily gathered. Thus they had forsaken what His Majesty’s
Government set us down (set down for us) in our “Instructions [by Way of
Advice]”– and made it a Triumvirate (a 3-man government).
It seemeth that Mr. Archer was nothing acquainted with these articles
– though all the rest that were preferred against me crept out of his notes
and commentaries. Yet it pleased God to cast him into the same disgrace and
pit that he prepared for another – as will appear hereafter.
September.
The
10th of September Mr. Ratcliffe, Mr. Smith and Mr. Martin came to
my tent with a warrant subscribed under their hands to depose me as President,
saying they thought me very unworthy either to be President or of the council,
and therefore discharged me of both.
I answered them that they had eased me of a great deal of care and
trouble, that long since I had at diverse times preferred them the place [of
President] at an easier rate (in an easier manner); and further that the
President ought to be removed, as appeareth in His Majesty’s Instructions
for our government, by the
greater number of 13 councillors’ voices (votes), but they were but three;
and [I] therefore wished them to proceed advisedly.
But they told me if they did me wrong, they must answer for it. Then as
the deposed President, I said: “I am at your pleasure. Dispose of me as you
will without further “garboils” (uproar).
I will now say
what followed in my own name and give the new President his title. I shall
be the briefer, being thus discharged. I was committed to a sergeant and sent
to the pinnace – the 20-ton “Discovery” –
but I was answered with “If they did me wrong they must answer for it.”
The 11th Of September I was sent for to come before the
President and his council upon their court day. They had now made Mr. Archer
Recorder of Virginia. The President made a speech to the colony, that he
thought it fit to acquaint them [with] why I was deposed. I am now forced to deal
with frivolous trifles, that pour grave and worthy council may the better
strike those veins where the corrupt blood lieth and that they may see in what
manner of government the hope of the colony now travaileth.
First Master President said that I had denied him a penny whittle
(pocket knife), a chicken, a spoonful of beer and served him with foul corn
– and with that pulled some grain out of a bag, showing it to the company.
Then start up Mr. Smith, and said that I had told him plainly how he lied; and
that I said – though we were equal there – yet if he were in England, he
(Smith) would think scorn his man (-servant) were my companion.
Mr. Martin followed with - he reporteth that: “He do slack the
service in the colony, and do nothing but tend his pot, spit and oven, that he
hath starved my son and denied him a spoonful of beer. I have friends in
England [that] shall be revenged on him if he ever come in (to) London.”
I asked Mr. President if I should answer these complaints and whether
he ought else to charge me withal. With that he pulled out a paper notebook,
loaded with articles against me and gave them to Mr. Archer to read.
I told Mr. President and the council that, by The Instructions for our government, our proceedings ought to be verbal and I was there ready to answer – but they said they would proceed in that order. I desired a copy of the articles, and time given me to answer them likewise by writing – but that would not be granted. I bade them then please themselves. Mr. Archer then read some of the articles – when, on the sudden, Mr. President said: “Stay, stay! We know not whether he will abide by our judgement, or whether he will appeal to the king”, saying to me, “How say you? Will you appeal to the King, or no?”
I
apprehended (seized on) presently that God’s mercy had opened me a way,
through their ignorance, to escape their malice, for I never knew [before] how
I might demand an appeal. Besides I had a secret knowledge how they had
forejudged me to pay fivefold for anything that came to my hands, whereof I
could not discharge myself by writing; and that I should lie in prison until I
had paid it.
The
cape merchant had delivered me our merchandise without any note of the
particulars under my hand, for (he) himself had received them in gross. I
likewise as occasion moved me, spent them in trade or by gift (as a gift)
amongst the Indians. So likewise did Captain Newport take of them what he
thought good (suitable), when he went to discover the King’s River –
without any note of his hand (signature &c) mentioning the certainty; and
disposed of them as was fit for him. Of these likewise I could make no account
– only I was well assured I had never bestowed the value of three penny
whittles (knives) to my own use nor to the private use of any other. For I
never carried any favourite over with me or entertained any there. I was all
[for] one and one to all.
Upon
these considerations I answered Mr. President and the council, that His
Majesty’s hands were full of mercy and that I did appeal to that mercy. They
then committed me prisoner again to the master of the pinnace with these
words: “Look to him well: he is now the King’s prisoner.”
Then
Mr. Archer pulled out of his bosom another notebook full of articles against
me, desiring that he might read them in the name of the colony. I said I stood
there ready to answer any man’s complaint whom I had wronged – BUT NOT ONE
MAN SPOKE ONE WORD AGAINST ME. Then was he willed to read his book – whereof
I complained. But I was still answered [that] if they do me wrong, they must
answer for it. I have forgotten
most of the articles, they were so slight – yet he (Archer) glorieth much in
his penwork (paperwork). I knew
well the last; and a speech that he then made savoured well of a mutiny –
for he desired well that I might lie prisoner in the town, lest both he and
others of the colony should not give such obedience to their command as they
ought to do – which goodly speech of his they easily swallowed.
But
it was usual and natural to this honest gent, Mr. Gabriel Archer, to be always
hatching of some mutiny in my time. He might have appeared the author of 3
several mutinies. And he – as Mr. George Percy sent me word – had bought
some witnesses’ hands against me to (on) diverse articles with Indian cakes
(which was no great matter to do after my deposal and considering their
hunger), persuasions and threats. At another time he feared not to say openly
and in the presence of one of the council, that, if they had not deposed me
when they did, he had (would have) gotten twenty others to himself which
should have deposed me. But this speech of his was likewise easily digested.
Mr.
Crofts feared not to say that if others would join with him, he would pull me
out of my seat and out of my skin too. Others would say (whose names I spare)
that, unless I would amend their (food) allowance, they would be their own
carvers. For these mutinous speeches I rebuked them openly and proceeded no
further against them - considering therein men’s lives in the King’s
service there. One of the council was very earnest with me to take a guard
about me. I answered him, I would [have] no guard but God’s love and my own
innocence. In all these disorders was Mr. Archer a ringleader.
When
Mr. President and Mr. Archer had made an end of their articles above
mentioned, I was again sent prisoner to the pinnace; and Mr. Kendall, taking
(being taken) from thence, had his liberty, but might not carry arms.
All this happening while the savages brought to the town such corn and flesh as they could spare. Paspahegh, by Tappahanna’s mediation, was taken into friendship with us. The councillors, Mr. John Smith especially, traded up and down the river with the Indians for corn, which relieved the colony well.
As
I understand by a report, I am much charged with starving the colony. I did
always give every man his allowance faithfully, both of corn, oil and aquavit,
&c, as was by the council proportioned; neither was it bettered after my
time, until – towards the end of March (1608) – a biscuit was allowed to
every working man for his breakfast, by means of the provision brought us by
Captain Newport (as will appear hereafter). It is further said that I did
banquet and riot. I never had but one squirrel roasted, whereof I gave a part
to Mr. John Ratcliffe (Sicklemore), then sick, yet was that squirrel given me.
I did never heat a flesh pot (meat cooking pot) except when the common pot was
so used likewise. Yet how often Mr. President Ratcliffe’s and the
councillors’ spits have night and day been endangered to break their backs
– so laden with swans, geese, ducks, &c! How many times their flesh
pots have swelled, [which] many hungry eyes did behold to their great longing!
And what great thieves and thieving hath been in the common store since my
time I doubt not, but [that] is already made known to His Majesty’s council
for Virginia.
The 17th day of September I was sent for to the court to
answer a complaint exhibited against me by Mr. Jehu Robinson, for that when I
was President I did say [that] he with others had consented with others to run
away with the shallop to Newfoundland. At another time, I must answer Mr. John
Smith for that I had said he did conceal a mutiny.
Strange
that he did not invent that earlier. I told Mr. Recorder Archer those words
would bear no actions, that one of the causes was done without (outside) the
limits mentioned in the Patent granted to us; and [I] therefore prayed Mr.
President that I ought not to be lugged (lumbered) with these disgraces and
troubles – but he did wear no other eyes and ears than grew on Mr. Archer’s
head.
The
jury gave (awarded) the one of them £100 and the other £200 damages for
slander. Then Mr. Recorder did very learnedly comfort me, that if I had wrong
(been wronged), I might bring my writ of error in London – whereat I smiled.
Seeing
their law so speedy and cheap, I desired justice for a copper kettle Mr.
Richard Crofts did detain from me. He said I had given it to him. I did bid
him bring proof for that. He confessed he had no proof. Then Mr. President did
ask me if I would be sworn (would swear) I did not give it to him. I said I
knew no cause why to swear for mine own [property]. He asked Mr. Crofts if he
would make oath I did give it to him – which oath he took and [thereby] won
my kettle from me. And that was - in that place and time - worth half his
weight in gold. Yet I did understand afterwards from
Mr. George Percy that he [Mr. Archer] would have given John Capper – a
hatter, as I recall - the one half of the kettle to have taken the oath for
him, but he (Capper) would have no copper at that price – by bearing
false witness against me.
I
told Mr. President that I had not known the like law, and prayed that they
would be more sparing of law until we had more wit (wisdom) or wealth; that
laws were good spies in a populous, peaceable and plentiful country - where
they did make the good men better and stayed the bad [men] from being worse.
Yet we were so poor as they did but rob us of time that might be better
employed in [the] service of the colony.
One
day the President did beat James Read, the smith. The smith struck him
[back] again. For this he was
condemned to be hanged, but, before he was tanned with the leather [strap], he
desired to speak to the President in private, to whom he accused Mr. Kendall
of a mutiny – of attempting to sail to Newfoundland - and so [Read]
escaped himself. What
indictment Mr. Recorder framed against the smith I know not; but I know it is
familiar (commonplace) for the President, councillors and other officers to
beat men at their pleasure (leisure). One lieth sick till death, another
walketh lame, a third crieth out of all his bones – which miseries they do
take upon their consciences to come to them by this their alms of beating.
Were this whipping, lawing (“interpretation” of the law), beating and
hanging, known [about] in England, I fear it would drive many well affected
minds from this honourable action in Virginia.
This
smith (James Read) coming on board the pinnace with some others about some
business 2 or 3 days before his arraignment, brought me commendations from Mr.
George Percy, Mr. John Waller, Mr. George Kendall and some others, saying they
would be glad to see me on shore. I answered him [that] they were honest
gentlemen and had carried themselves obediently to their governors. I prayed
God that they did not think of any ill thing unworthy [of] themselves. I added
further that upon Sunday, if the weather were fair, I would be at the sermon.
Lastly, I said that I
–
aged 57 - was so sickly, starved, [and] lame and did lie so cold and wet in
the pinnace, as I would [have to be] dragged thither, before I would go there
any more. Sunday proved not fair [so] I went not to the sermon.
One day Mr.
George Kendall was executed - being shot to death for a mutiny. In the arrest
of his judgment, he alleged to the President that his [the President’s]
name was Sicklemore - not Ratcliffe – and so he had no authority to
pronounce judgement. [So] then
Mr. John Martin pronounced judgement.
Somewhat
before this time, the President and council had sent for the keys of my
coffers (chests) supposing that I had some writings concerning the colony. I
requested that the clerk of the council might see what they took out of my
coffers, but they would not suffer him or any other [to watch them]. Under
cover hereof (of this) they took my books of account and all my notes that
concerned the expenses of the colony and instructions of (in) the cape
merchant’s (chief storeman Mr. Thomas Studley’s) hand of the store of
provision, diverse other books and trifles of my own proper (personal) goods
– which I could never recover. Thus I was made [a] good prize on all sides.
On another
day the President commanded me to come on shore – which I refused, as [I
was] not rightfully deposed, and desired that I might speak to him and the
council in the presence of 10 of the best sort of gent. With (after) much
entreaty, some of them were sent for. Then I told them I was determined to go
to England to acquaint our council there with our weaknesses. I said further,
their laws and government was such that I had no joy to live under them any
longer, that I did much dislike their triumvirate having forsaken His Majesty’s
“Instructions for our Government”, and (I) therefore prayed there might be
more made of (elected to) the council. I further said that I desired not to go
to England, if either Mr. President Sicklemore (aka Ratcliffe) or Mr. Gabriel
Archer would go, but if the action was (thus) given over, I was willing to
take my fortune with the colony, and [I] did also proffer to furnish them with
£100 towards fetching home the colony. They
(the triumvirate) did not like none (any) of my offers, but made diverse shot
at me in the pinnace. Seeing their resolution, I went ashore to them –
where, after I had stayed a while in conference, and there was much ado to
have the pinnace go to England and after many debatings pro and contra it was
resolved to stay a further resolution38
- before they sent me to the pinnace again.
The 10th of December Mr. John Smith went up the river of the
Chickahominies to trade for corn. He was desirous to see the head of that
river. And when it was not possible with the shallop he hired a canoe and an
Indian to carry him up further. The river the higher (up) grew worse and
worse. Then he went on shore with his guide and left Mr. Jehu Robinson and [carpenter] Thomas
Emry, two of our men, in the canoe – which (men) were presently slain by the
Indians (Pamunkey’s men) and he himself was taken prisoner. And, by the
means of his guide his life was saved. And Pamunkey, having him prisoner,
carried him to his neighboring werowances (chiefs) to see if any of them knew
him for (as) one of those which two or three years before us had been in a
river amongst them [to the] northward and [who] had taken away some Indians by
force. At last, he (Pamunkey) brought him before the great Powhatan
(of whom we had no knowledge) – who sent him home to our town the 8th
of January. (It
was only last year – for the first time - that Mr. John Smith garnished the
story of his capture, with his life being saved by a daughter of the chief in
some strange ceremony - maybe an
adoption ceremony, suspiciously exactly the same as Hakluyt had it in
the story of Chief Ucita’s daughter Ulalah saving a conquistador in La
Florida all those years ago). This Virginian child, called Matoaka or
Pocahontas, they told me (I never met her), – who last year as wife of Mr.
John Rolfe, died tragically at Gravesend in Kent – was, back then,
apparently but about 7 to 9 years old.39
During
Mr. Smith’s absence the President did swear Mr. Gabriel Archer [as]
one of the council – [which was] contrary to his oath taken in the Articles
and agreed upon between themselves (before spoken of) and contrary to the King’s
Instructions and contrary to Mr. Martin’s consent. Whereas there were no
more but the President and Mr. John Martin on the council.
John Smith again due to be hanged
Being settled in his authority, Mr. Gabriel
Archer, sought how to call Mr. John Smith’s life into question, and had
indicted him upon a chapter in Leviticus, for the death of the two men. He
(Smith) had his trial the same day as his return, and I believe his hanging
[was to be on] the same or the next day, so speedy is our law there [in
Virginia]. But to our unspeakable comfort, it pleased God to send Captain
Christopher Newport unto us the same evening - whose arrival saved Mr. Smith’s
life and mine, because he (Newport) took me out of the pinnace and gave me
leave to lie (live) in the town. I had been so cold and sick in the pinnace, I believe
I would soon have died. Also by his coming was prevented a parliament,
which the new councillor, Mr. Recorder, intended them to summon. Thus error
begat error.
Captain Newport having landed, lodged and
refreshed his men, employed some of them about [in constructing] a fair
storehouse, others about a stove and his mariners about a church – all [of]
which works they finished cheerfully and in [a] short time.
The
7th of January [1608] our town was almost quite burned, with all
our apparel and provisions, but Captain Newport healed our wants to our great
comforts out of the great plenty sent us by the provident and loving care of
our worthy - and [indeed] most worthy – council in London.
This vigilant captain, [Christopher Newport], slacking no
opportunity that might advance the company upon the former works, took Mr.
John Smith and Mr. Matthew Scrivener, (aged
28), whose sister Elizabeth married my cousin,
Harbottle Wingfield of Crowfield40
near Letheringham and Otley, (another councillor of Virginia, upon whose
discretion lived (depended) a great hope of the action), went [off] to
discover (explore) the River Pamunkey, on the further side whereof dwelleth
the Great Powhatan and to trade with him for corn. This river lieth north from
us and runneth east and west. I have nothing but by relation - as related to
me - of that matter, and therefore dare not make any discourse thereof, lest I
might wrong the great dessert which Captain Newport’s love to (of) the
action hath deserved – especially himself being present [in 1608 in London]
and best able to give satisfaction [a satisfactory account] thereof . I will
hasten [my account] therefore to his return.
The 9th of March he [Newport]
returned to Jamestown with his pinnace well laden with corn, wheat, beans and
peas, to our great comfort and his worthy commendations.
By
this time the council and the captain (Newport), having intentively looked
into the carriage (behaviour) of the councillors and other officers, removed
some officers out of the store and Captain Gabriel Archer – a councillor,
whose insolence did look upon that [a] little himself with great sighted
spectacles, derogating from others’ merits by spewing out his venomous
libels and infamous chronicles upon them – as doth appear in his own
handwriting. For which other worse tricks he had not (Archer would not have)
escaped the halter (noose), but that (had not) Captain Newport interposed his
advice to the contrary – that
is that the council should not hang Mr. Archer.
Captain Newport, having now dispatched all his
business [loading his ship with supposed gold dust] and “set the clock on a
true course” – if so (if only) the council will keep it, prepared himself
for England upon the 10th day of April; and arrived at Blackwall -
with me - on Sunday the 21st
May 1608. I humbly crave some patience to answer many scandals and imputations
- which malice, more than malice – hath scattered upon my name, and those
frivolous three names objected against me by the President (Sickelmore) and
council (Smith and Martin). And though “nil conscire sibi” (an individual
being unaware of his own guilt) be the only mask that can well cover my
blushes, yet do I not doubt, but that this my apology shall easily wipe them
away.
It was noised abroad (suggested) –
in Virginia - that (1) I combined with the Spaniards to the
destruction of the colony, (2) that I am an atheist because I did not carry a
Bible with me and because I did forbid the preacer to preach and (3) that I
did affect a kingdom.
(1) I confess that I have always admired any
noble virtue and prowess – as well in the Spaniards as in other nations, but
naturally I have always distrusted and disliked their “neighbourhood”
(company) –
indeed
you will remember I spent several years fighting the all-devouring Spaniard in
the Low Countries in the 1580s, and 20 years before cousin Gosnold and I
founded Jamestown, I was with Sir
Ferdinando Gorges captured and – initially - ransomed by them.
(2) As I said earlier, I sorted many books in my house
to be sent up [to London] to me at my going to Virginia, amongst them a Bible.
They were sent me in a trunk to London with diverse fruit, conserves and
preserves, which I did set in Mr. Richard Croft’s house in Ratcliff (convenient
for Blackwall Dock). On my being in Virginia I did understand [learn that]
my trunk was broken up, much lost, my sweetmeats eaten at his (Croft’s)
table [and] some of my books which I missed [were] to be seen in his hands;
and whether amongst them my Bible was so embezzled – or [else] mislaid by my
servants and not sent [on to] me – I know not as yet.
